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If I showed you this paint chip and asked you to tell me what color it is, what would
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you say?
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How about this one?
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And this one?
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You probably said blue, purple, and brown — but if your native language is Wobé from
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Côte d’Ivoire, you probably would have used one word for all three.
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That’s because not all languages have the same number of basic color categories.
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In English, we have 11.
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Russian has 12, but some languages, like Wobé, only have 3.
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And researchers have found that if a language only has 3 or 4 basic colors, they can usually
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predict what those will be.
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So how do they do it?
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As you would expect, different languages have different words for colors.
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But what interests researchers isn’t those simple translations, it’s the question of
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which colors get names at all.
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Because as much as we think of colors in categories, the truth is that color is a spectrum.
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It’s not obvious why we should have a basic color term for this color, but not this one.
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And until the 1960s it was widely believed by anthropologists that cultures would just
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chose from the spectrum randomly.
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But In 1969, two Berkeley researchers, Paul Kay and Brent Berlin, published a book challenging
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that assumption.
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They had asked 20 people who spoke different languages to look at these 330 color chips
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and categorize each of them by their basic color term.
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And they found hints of a universal pattern: If a language had six basic color words, they
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were always for black (or dark), white (or light), red, green, yellow, and blue.
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If it had four terms, they were for black, white, red, and then either green or yellow.
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If it had only three, they were always for black, white, and red.
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It suggested that as languages develop, they create color names in a certain order.
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First black and white, then red, then green and yellow, then blue, then others like brown,
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purple, pink, orange, and gray.
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The theory was revolutionary.
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[music change]
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They weren’t the first researchers interested in the question of how we name colors.
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In 1858, William Gladstone — who would later become a four-term British Prime Minister
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— published a book on the ancient Greek works of Homer.
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He was struck by the fact that there weren’t many colors at all in the text, and when there
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were, Homer would use the same word for “colours which, according to us, are essentially different.”
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He used the same word for purple to describe blood, a dark cloud, a wave, and
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a rainbow, and he referred to the sea as wine-looking.
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Gladstone didn’t find any references to blue or orange at all.
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Some researchers took this and other ancient writings to wrongly speculate that earlier
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societies were colorblind.
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Later in the 19th century, an anthropologist named W.H.R.
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Rivers went on an expedition to Papua New Guinea, where he found that some tribes only
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had words for red, white and black, while others had additional words for blue and green.
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"An expedition to investigate the cultures on a remote group of islands in the Torres Straits
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between Australia and New Guinea.
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His brief was to investigate the mental characteristics of the islanders.
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He claimed that the number of color terms in a population was related to their “intellectual
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and cultural development”.
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And used his findings to claim that Papuans were less physically evolved than Europeans.
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Berlin and Kay didn’t make those racist claims, but their color hierarchy attracted
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a lot of criticism.
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For one thing, critics pointed out that the study used a small sample size — 20 people,
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all of whom were bilingual English speakers, not monolingual native speakers.
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And almost all the languages were from industrialized societies — hardly the best portrait of
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the entire world.
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But it also had to do with defining what a “basic color term” is.
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In the Yele language in Papua New Guinea, for example, there are only basic color terms
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for black, white, and red.
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But there’s a broad vocabulary of everyday objects — like the sky, ashes, and tree
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sap — that are used as color comparisons that cover almost all English color words.
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There are also languages like Hanunó’o from the Phillippines, where a word can communicate
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both color and physical feeling.
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They have four basic terms to describe color — but they’re on a spectrum of light vs.
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dark, strength vs. weakness, and wetness vs. dryness.
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Those kinds of languages don’t fit neatly into a color chip identification test.
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But by the late 1970s, Berlin and Kay had a response for the critics.
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They called it the World Color Survey.
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They conducted the same labeling test on over 2,600 native speakers of 110 unwritten languages
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from nonindustrialized societies.
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They found that with some tweaks, the color hierarchy still checked out.
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Eighty-three percent of the languages fit into the hierarchy.
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And when they averaged the centerpoint of where each speaker labeled each of their language’s
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colors, they wound up with a sort of heat map.
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Those clusters matched pretty closely to the English speakers’ averages, which are labeled
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here.
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Here’s how Paul Kay puts it: “It just turns out that most languages make
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cuts in the same place.
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Some languages make fewer cuts than others.”
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So these color stages are widespread throughout the world… but why?
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Why would a word for red come before a word for blue?
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Some have speculated that the stages correspond to the salience of the color in the natural
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environment.
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Red is in blood and in dirt.
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Blue, on the other hand, was fairly scarce before manufacturing.
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Recently cognitive science researchers have explored this question by running computer
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simulations of how language evolves through conversations between people.
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The simulations presented artificial agents with multiple colors at a time, and, through
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a series of simple negotiations, those agents developed shared labels for the different
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colors.
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And the order in which those labels emerged?
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First, reddish tones, then green and yellow, then blue, then orange.
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It matched the original stages pretty closely.
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And it suggests that there’s something about the colors themselves that leads to this hierarchy.
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Red is fundamentally more distinct than the other colors.
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So what does all this mean?
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Why does it matter?
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Well, it tells us that despite our many differences across cultures and societies ... there is
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something universal about how humans try to make sense of the world.